DANTE ALIGHIERI – BASIC INFORMATION AND KNOWLEDGE BANK


A Short Biography Dante Alighieri

Who is Dante Alighieri (1265–1321)?
Italian poet. For Dante, the role of the poet included the moralist, the philosopher and, in his Divine Comedy, the prophet. Convinced by his brief but traumatic political career in his native Florence that the society which it represented required fundamental moral reform Dante, in the last twenty years of his life, gradually arrived at a vision of an ideal society where individuals would be free to follow the path of virtue leading to ultimate salvation, and it is in this essentially religious context that his political thought must be seen.


Dante's Florence was the wealthiest and most self-confident, but also the most turbulent, of the self-governing Italian cities. It acknowledged a nominal allegiance to the Holy Roman Emperor, but in practice took advantage of the ineffectuality of imperial authority in Italy to expand at the expense of its Tuscan neighbours, while keeping at arm's length the power which had sought to supplant the empire in Italy, the papacy.

In November 1301 the governing party, to which Dante belonged, was overthrown in a coup with the connivance of Pope Boniface VIII, who hoped thereby to increase his influence over the city's affairs. Dante, who was in Rome on an embassy to Boniface at the time, was among those condemned in their absence by the new government, and so never returned to the city.

This experience left him profoundly disillusioned both with Florence and with its economic and social values, and with a politically aggressive papacy; the conviction that both must be made to accept constraints on their political power underlies all his subsequent thought.
The works of the early years of his exile show Dante exploring the implications of this conviction, as it develops into the comprehensive vision of social and moral order of the Divine Comedy. These shorter poems and unfinished prose treatises reveal a marked preference for lay as against clerical institutions, and more sympathy than would have been normal in Guelph Florence for the last Hohenstaufen claimants to the imperial title.

What is missing until the last book of the Convivio (c. 1307) is that sense of the sacred destiny of Rome as the capital of the universal empire, which is evidently derived from Dante's re-reading of Virgil's Aeneid, and which is proclaimed as an article of faith throughout his mature works.
The Divine Comedy (begun about 1304) reflects the widening scope of Dante's political concerns. In the Inferno, Florence and its problems dominate the picture: a community where family and civic loyalties conflict, whose prevailing philosophy is materialism and whose prosperity rests on the socially sterile activity of usury, is shown as fundamentally unstable and corrupt.

At the same time, the church is incapable of exercising its proper spiritual function because of the worldliness of its leaders; and the DONATION OF CONSTANTINE, whereby the first Christian emperor supposedly bestowed his temporal power in the West on the papacy, is seen as a fateful mistake which marked the beginning of the church's decline from its primitive faith.

In the Purgatorio Dante turns to the larger political order which allows such developments to take place. There should ideally be two powers or 'suns' which should guide man's spiritual and temporal aspirations; but 'one has extinguished the other' (Purg. xvi, 106 ff), the church having trespassed on the competence of the empire, while the nominal emperors (the Habsburgs, since 1272) are too preoccupied with consolidating their power in Germany to challenge the papal usurpations in Italy.

Finally, the Paradiso reflects the rise and fall of Dante's hopes with the career of Henry of Luxemburg, elected emperor as Henry VII in 1308, who briefly seemed to give substance to Dante's dream of an emperor claiming his crown and asserting his authority in Italy.

But Guelph resistance led by Florence and King Robert of Naples revealed Henry's vulnerability, and he died, still leading the remnant of his army, in 1313. The turning-point in his fortunes was the withdrawal of support by the French pope, Clement V, under pressure from Philip IV of France.

Dante's scorn for what he considered this act of treachery, and for the obduracy of the Florentines, is violently expressed in the Paradiso, and almost the last political reference in the poem (Par. xxx, 133 ff.) promises a throne in heaven for Henry and a place in hell for Clement.
The ideas underlying the political judgments of the Comedy are expounded in the prose treatise De monarchia, whose three books argue three uncompromising theses: that only a universal monarch can administer justice impartially between lesser powers; that special signs of divine favour have marked out the Roman Empire as the institution destined to exercise such a role; and that the emperor's authority is derived directly from God, not, as the church had long claimed and as Boniface vigorously reasserted, mediated through and hence subject to that of the church.

CHURCH AND STATE were separate and autonomous; though in a much discussed conclusion, Dante argues that the emperor nonetheless owed to the pope 'that reverence which an eldest son should show to his father' (Mon. III, xv), since the spiritual realm was ultimately superior to the temporal.
The Monarchia makes no explicit reference to Henry VII, and so probably predates at least the Paradiso. Indeed, Henry's failure, and Clement's failure to support him in his prosecution of Robert of Naples for lèse-majesté, finally showed the untenability of Dante's notion of a universal monarch. In another respect too, the treatise stops short of Dante's definitive synthesis of his religious and political convictions in the Comedy: namely—and paradoxically—in that very insistence on the autonomy of the secular state, with its implied separation of the realms of nature and grace, which readers have always found its most strikingly modern feature.  

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